Sunday, April 12, 2009
Sunday, January 25, 2009
Letter from the King, 25/Jan/1533
(...) I wrote you saying how had for my service that this India fleet went in two waves, that is, four naos in this first [fleet] and three in the other; and that, in this first one, went as captain general dom Goncalo Coutinho, and with him Dom Joao Pereira, and Dom Francisco de Noronha, and Diogo Brandao, and by some things that I have respecting this matter, I want that the said Dom Joao goes as captain general of the said last three naos, and that the nao, in which he would have gone with Dom Goncalo goes any that gets vacated (...)
Letter from the King, 26/Jan/1533
(..) I have as for my service that the said fleet goes divided in two armadas, with two captain generals, that is, four naos in one, and three in the other; and the four will sail first, those would b the two [ships] of Jorge Lopes, that should be more readier, because they did not leave the shipyard, and the other two [ships] being two of mine, the newest ones, that are more readier; and in these I have for good that will go as captain general Dom Goncalo Coutinho that, for the qualities he has in him, will know how to serve me in that capacity, and with him will go Dom Joao Pereira and Dom Francisco Noronha in my two [naos], and Diogo Brandao in [the nao] of Jorge Lopes and his; I beg you much that, with the earliest brevity and hastiness possible, you order the said four naos to be ready, in order to sail, with the help of Our Lord, within the month of February on entering March, if they can, so that they can have to time to sail to to cape Guardafui, as you have written me that it should be done.And if it goes in there Goncalo, you will tell him from me that, in order to please him, I have for good to send him as captain general of these four naos until India, but he will go without any pay. And the said Dom Goncalo will go in the returned [nao] of Jorge Lopes, or in one of the two new naos, whatever looks the best to serve as admiral ship. And dom Joao will go in the other. And in theseI order you much that you haste as much as possible, and I will have the their Orders made and I will send them together with the letters, so that they cannot get delayed, and I have already sent message to the said Dom Joao and Dom Francisco to get ready to go(…)
Letter from the King, Évora, 5/Feb/1533
(...)I thank you much the news that you have sent me telling me how those naos are already so ready that they can depart in early March Their captains for them are already there [Lisbon] all except the one for the nao in which returned Diogo Lopes de Sousa, I will tell you on a later letter, if it is he who will go in it, if it will be Nuno Furtado (...)
Letter from the King, Évora, 10/Feb/1533
Regarding the nao Bom Jesus, the one you tell me was destined to dom Francisco de Noronha, this, it seems, was not done as you you have said, going the Cirne as admiral ship. You will to dom Francisco, from my part, that he is to go in the nao that you will give him, because we will not see in it any disrespect, and that he must be happy to go in the nao that you will give him, and also because I also order it to be so and I have it for my great service, and so I have it for good to be so, and that the distribution list of masters and pilots that you have made shall not be changed, because it looked very well made and I want it to be followed as it is (...)
Letter from the King, Évora, 16/Feb/1533
I saw what you have told me concerning the values [embarked] in this armada, and by the account that you make 70.000 cruzados should go on all seven ships, and because, by the letters that Nuno da Cunha [India governor] writes, as you know there is a great shortage of money for all the expenses that were made, and because we cannot have a money shortage for the embarkment of goods [the cargo from India to Lisbon] and to pay some debts to people that are there; I will have for my great service that 80.000 cruzados shall go, because all of them will be necessary.I trust you to arrange the said 80.000 cruzados in currency and that you try your best that no less than that will go;And in these four naos those 45.000 cruzados will go; and, if you can make it 50.000, I will have great pleasure in that, divided equally by all naos, because they will go earlier, and in the other three will go 30.000 cruzados, and by this way you will order it done, because I have for my service (...)
Letter from the King, Évora, 11/Mar/1533
(...) Fernao de Alvares told me how you wrote him, describing how the four naos sailed Friday, the seveb days of this month, and left the mouth [of the Tagus river] and went into high seas with very good weather (...)
The ANNT contains in the section Gavetas (Gav. 20-1-53) an important summary of the India letters of the year 1533 made for the use of the Secretary for India Pero d’Alcáçova Carneiro, soon after the arrival of the return fleet of 1534, with marginal notes of the said secretary regarding the answer to be given or not to be given and the steps to be taken on their account. As the 124 letters, of which summaries are given, are not preserved, these extracts are better than nothing. So, from that we know that in letter #64, Dom Joao Pereira writes from Goa on the 26th of October, 1533, giving an account of the whole trip, from Lisbon to India.
"[the King] ordered Dom Joao Pereira to be the captain of the first [fleet] that was made of four ships. He was the father of Dom Martinho Pereira, that in the time fo King Dom Sebastiao ruled the kingdom, and he came for the captaincy of Goa in the nao Frol de la Mar in which he sailed on March the 4th. The other captains were Vasco de Paiva in the Santa Barbara, Diogo Brandao in the nao Santa Clara, and in Sao Joao Dom Francisco de Noronha that was lost at Cape of Good Hope. After, on April the 6th sailed in the admiral ship Cisne, the captain Dom Goncalo Coutinho, that also had the captaincy of Goa, and Simao da Veiga in Sao Roque, and in the nao Bom Jesus Nuno Furtado."
in "Conquista da India per humas e outras armas reaes, e evangelicas em breves memorias de varões illustres e feitos maravilhosos em huma e outra conquista (Códice 1646 da Col. Egerton - Museu Britânico)"
Friday, December 19, 2008
Wednesday, December 3, 2008
The Fugger mark on the copper ingots: from the mines....
... to an ingot from an unknown Portuguese shipwreck in the Seychelles*...
Tuesday, November 25, 2008
Sunday, November 23, 2008
Saturday, November 22, 2008
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
Which ship is it?
A few notes regarding a possible identification of the wreck.... With no House of India archives left to peruse, one has to revert to other, more imaginative, ways of finding information. Besides the royal archives kept at Torre do Tombo we have several fragmented, but crucial, documentation kept at Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, Biblioteca da Ajuda, Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Harvard University, British Library, Spain, Brazil, Macau, etc.
An important part of this documentation is the Relações das Armadas – the Armadas narratives. These we done by people from the 16th century onwards and were used to keep a tally, mostly on the noblemen sent to India and - sometimes with more, sometime with less detail - on the number of ships sent, their names and their fortune. There are about 50 of these narratives surviving. Only two have, besides text, the drawings/paintings of the ships; clearly ordered by prestigious persons, these two lists were eventually done on the 1560´s and are kept at Academia das Ciências de Lisboa (“Memória ou Ementa das Armadas”) and at the John Pierpont Morgan Library, in New York (“Livro de Lisuarte de Abreu”). Both have been published as a facsimile[1].
As with any non-official text, these narratives have either gaps or just plain errors. Since there’s still no such thing as a complete a critical study of their genealogy and authority (although Paulo Guinote et al. have done a very nice first effort towards it, compiling the losses of the Carreira da India) one has to use both our better judgment and all other pertinent documentation we can get our hands on.
Let’s then read the most complete Armadas narratives starting in 1525 (our terminus post quem for the moment) and stopping only, for good measure, in 1600. Looking at the cargo of our ship – mainly copper, gold, ivory – and the lack of oriental goods (no Chinese ceramics, no pepper corns, etc.) this can only be a ship going to India, not one coming back to Lisbon (I will return with references for this later on).
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Of all the ships going outward to India, the following have been lost in this period:
1525: Dom Felippe de Castro, ship Corpo Santo, lost at Cape de Rosalgate;
1527: Manoel de Lacerda (ship Conceição) and Aleixo de Abreu (ship Bastiana), both lost at island of São Lourenço;
1528: Affonso Vaz Azambujo, lost at island of João da Nova; João de Freitas, lost at Val das Egoas; Bernardim da Silva, lost at parcel of Sofala; Nuno da Cunha (ship Flor da Rosa), lost while anchored off the island of São Lourenço;
1531: Manoel de Maçedo, ship Esperança, lost at Cape Comorim in a low lying island facing Calicaré;
1533: Francisco de Noronha, on Bom Jesus, lost on the turn of the Cape of Good Hope;
1538: Bernardim da Silveira, lost;
1544: Simão de Mello, ship Graça, lost at Bahia Fermosa, 5 leagues off Melinde;
1550: Dom Diogo de Noronha, lost at Mazagão, near Baçaim;
1552: Antonio Moniz Barreto, ship Zambuco, lost at the coast of India;
1555: Francisco Nobre, ship Conceição, lost at the sunken reefs of Pero dos Banhos;
1585: Fernão de Mendoça, ship Santiago, lost at baixos of Judia;
1589: Dom João da Cunha in Santo António lost between Mozambique and India
1590: Ruy Gomes in the galleon São Lucas that disappeared near Lisbon;
1593: Pero Gonçalves, ship São Pedro, lost in Pernambuco; Antonio Teixeira de Macedo lost at high seas after Mozambique;
1599: Simão de Mendonça. lost 40 leagues before arriving at Mozambique;
1600: Gaspar Palha Lobo, ship São Filipe, lost at Val das Egoas.
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So, by reading with a critical eye all the available Relações, there is only one ship that is unnacounted for, lost somewhere between Lisbon and India, without a specific place of loss – the ship of Bernardim Silveira (1538).
But, if we check the Chronical of King João III, published by Francisco Andrada in 1613, seventy years after the event, we find that:
“of these twelve ships the one of Bernardim da Silveyra, because it was leaking badly, could not go to India and returned to the Kingdom”[2]
Problem solved. So, again according to several different Relações, the only India-going ship that could have been lost in this area, in the said time frame, is the 1533 one. Also, if we take into account that the “Portugueses” coins ceased to be struck on November, the 19th, 1538 and were re-melted, this identification makes even more sense.
And what happened in 1533? Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, a chronicler that lived in India from 1528 till 1538 (a priveledged eye witness of these events) wrote that:
on this year of 1533, the King of Portugal dispatched seven ships to India, split in two captaincies, of the three was captain-general a nobleman called dom João Pereyra, that had the Goa captaincy, and his captains were a certain dom Francisco de Noronha that was lost due to weather, and Lourenço de Payva that sailed through with dom João. Of the other armada was captain-general another nobleman called dom Gonçalo Coutinho, he also had the Captancy of Goa if João Pereyra vacated it, his captains were Simão da Veiga, Diogo Brandão from Oporto, and Nuno Furtado de Mendonça, holder of Cardiga, of which we know not much, only what happened to João Pereyra (that was grounded in the Sofala Parcel reef but managed to refloat the nau and arrived in Goa)[3]
So, here you have it: a ship lost in 1533, near the Cape of Good Hope, in bad weather… could well be what we are staring at. At the very least, it's a working hypothesis.
[1] “Livro de Lisuarte de Abreu”, ed. fac-símile, Lisboa, CNCDP, 1992 and “Memória das Armadas”, ed. fac-símile, Lisboa, Academia das Ciências, 1982.
[2] ANDRADA, Francisco, “Cronica do muyto alto e muito poderoso rey destes reynos de Portugal dom João o III deste nome”. Lisboa: Jorge Rodrigues, 1613, 3ª parte, p. 78.
[3] CASTANHEDA, Fernão, “Historia do Descobrimento e Conquista da India pelos Portugueses por Fernão Lopes de Castanheda”. Nova Edição, Livro VIII. Lisboa: Typographia Rollandiana, 1853 p. 156.
Tuesday, November 18, 2008
Coins - the Português (10 cruzados)
There was 21.15 kg of gold, in the form of 1985 Spanish coins (about 15 kg) and 174 Portguese coins (about 6 kg) - basically one third by weight of the gold was of Portuguese origin.
The Spanish coins were excellentes in various sizes, from various mints and had been previously circulated, if the wear and tear was anything to go by. The small excellentes ranged (sample of 5) from 4.40 g to 4.43 g with a thickness of about 0.4 mm. The medium-sized excellentes (most of the coins came from this group) ranged from (sample of 5) 7.95 g to 8.04 g with a thickness of about 0.7mm. One of the large ones weighed 14.95g (1.0 mm thick, marked "4k").
The Portuguese coins were in mint condition, and had clearly not been circulated. They were all Portuguese 10 cruzados and had all been struck at the same time, maybe sequencially and using the same lower die. The images on the upper dies were all identical, but near-microscopic differences reveal that two different dies had been used. The gold coins were all found together and all clearly came out of the same single chest. A sample of 10 coins showed a weight range from 36.09 g to 36.28 g, with a thickness of about 1.8 mm and a diameter of about 38 mm.
Here’s a table with values for the “Português” buying power (1 português = 10 cruzados gold = 3900 reais), taken from the accounting books of the Monastery of Santa Cruz, in Coimbra, years 1534/35*
Amount bought by one “Português”:
Cereals
Wheat: 1186,3 liters
Barley: 1186,3 liters
Rice: 162,5 kg
Diverse food stapples
Honey: 355,9 liters
Wine: 688,2 liters
Saffron: 1,4 kg
Dried raisins: 195,0 kg
Sável (riverine fish): 93,6
Sardines: 24375,0
Pescadas secas (dried deep water fish): 180,0
Farm animals
Rams: 26,0
Working horse: 0,4
Goats: 33,9
Ox: 1,6
Textiles
Rough cloth: 27,3 m
Covilhã's cloth: 14,8 m
Linen: 85,8 m
Damscus: 6,8 m
Sail-like textile: 122,6 m
The Portuguese were prestigious coins and were struck by two kings only, Dom Manuel I and Dom João III, with the African gold bartered in the Mina fortress with the copper artifacts (bracelets, "pissing" pots, "barber" dishes) bought in Antwerp (as as a matter of fact, they were so prestigious - being the heavier and purer gold coin of the period - and so well accepted in the Asian markets that a lot of Northern Europe countries and provinces - Hamburg, Augsburg, Denmark, etc. - struck gold coins almost exactly like the Portuguese; they are called "portugaloser")
Made of almost pure gold (24 kt), the Portugueses not only were heavily sent abroad (to India to buy pepper and to Flanders to buy copper, artillery, nautical items, etc.) they were also drained from the country by the foreign merchants established in Lisbon - and subsequently re-melted in their countries, in order to make currency that was substantially weaker in gold content (22 kt or even lower), with huge gains for the merchant. Thus, the lack of gold currency in Portugal caused a lot of public outcry, with the people complaining to the King in the royal assemblies of 1525 and 1535 :
"may your Highness do something about the gold currency of this Kingdom, the said coins being taken abroad so much that we cannot find a single cruzado, or Portuguese or any gold coin of this Kingdom, only coins from other Kingdoms, cut in their weights and cut in the gold Law"
Monday, November 17, 2008
Friday, November 14, 2008
Wednesday, November 12, 2008
Uma provável explicação para as dobles excelentes de oro dos Reis Católicos...
[Por El Rey
A dom António d’Atayde, comde da Castanheira, e veador de sua fazemda]
Comde, amigo. Eu, el Rey, vos emvio muito saudar. Ey por bem que, dos cem mill cruzados que os mercadores d’este derradeiro comtrato sam obrigados pagar amtes da partida da armada da Imdia, lhes sejam tomados em pagamento vinte mill cruzados que tem em Sevilha, e que as letras d’elles se emtregem a Bertolameu Drago, cavalleyro de minha casa, pera os lla ir Requerer. Emcomendovos muito que mamdeis logo Requerer a Joham Gomez, thesoureiro d’esa casa, as ditas letras, e carregar sobre elle, em Recepta do quall as Recebera o dito Bertolameu Drago, e lhe dey para seu credito atee lhe emtregar o dito dinheiro; e isto mamdares ffazer logo, pera que se nam detenha.
Cosme Annes a fez, em Évora, aos xii dias de fevereiro de 1533.
J. Sam vinte mill cruzados os que ora am de dar em Sevilha.
Rey
[Pera o cõde da Castanheira, sobre estes XX mill cruzados que os mercadores do cõtrato dã em Sevilha]
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From the King
To dom Antonio de Atayde, count of Castanheira, the king’s purveyor
Count, my friend, I, the King, send you my greetings. I have for good that, of the 100.000 cruzados that the merchants of this last contract have to pay before the India fleet sails on, 20.000 cruzados of the said amount that they have in Seville shall be taken in payment, and the receipts for them shall be delivered to Bartolomeu Drago, knight of my house, so that he can go there and request them.
I order you that you request these said receipts as soon as possible from João Gomes, treasurer of that House [of India] and have him inscribe that sum, from which Bartolomeu Drago will receive it, and to credit him until he delivers the said amount of money and this you will do it promptly so as not to delay him
Cosme Annes wrote this, in Évora, on the 13 days of February 1533
[side note] it will be twenty thousand cruzados that shall be delivered at Seville.
King
[on the other face] To the count of Castanheira, about the XX thousand cruzados that the merchants of the contract will give in Seville]